Two by Dyer: A Just War In Gaza? And China: Is A Slow Future of Fizzle Underway?

Gwynne Dyer —

#1- Just War and the Gaza Strip

 December 5, 2023

Augustine of Hippo

“If you (Americans) were OK with us killing 5,000 children, you are OK with killing 10,000 children,” said Daniel Levy, a former Israeli diplomat who helped negotiate the Oslo peace accords in the 1990s. That’s what Israeli diplomats really think of US policy, he says.

This implies that Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu and the Israeli Defence Forces (IDF) both dismiss US Secretary of State Antony Blinken’s strenuous warnings about the need to avoid high Palestinian casualties in the renewed bombing as just so much hot air.

Daniel Levy

Whether Blinken was bluffing or not, Israel’s civil and military leadership, desperate for a victory to compensate for their extreme negligence in letting the attacks of 7 October happen, will act as if no external forces can limit the violence of their response.

They are probably wrong in their contempt for the discomfort Americans and other foreigners feel about the Israeli response. International pressure to call a halt will mount, and it would be very surprising if the IDF is still pounding the Gaza Strip in January, as it allegedly intends.

The discomfort and the resultant pressure on Israel mostly come from a sense of moral outrage. It will increase as Israel’s massive response grows more distant in time from the horrors of 7 October, but it remains remarkably inarticulate. What we need here is a combination of ‘Just War’ theory and a little realism.

I’m not a believer, but the ‘Just War’ rules I’m referring to are Christian in origin, mainly because neither Judaism nor Islam has expended much effort in codifying rules that would apply equally regardless of the religion or nationality of the combatants. They therefore offer a kind of impartiality when applied to a conflict between Muslims and Jews.

The first serious attempt to define the difference between a just and an unjust war was made by Augustine of Hippo, a Christian bishop in late Roman times in what is now Algeria. Thomas Aquinas, a 13th-century Italian priest, elaborated them into the six criteria most people of any religion or none would acknowledge today.

Some rules are obvious: there must be a just cause (self-defence, for example), the war must be declared by a proper authority (usually a state), and so on. But the final two are highly relevant to the current situation in Gaza: the means used must be proportional to the end, and there must be a reasonable chance of success.

Proportionality is tricky. Is Israel approaching the limits of a legitimate proportional response when Israel has 1,400 dead, the great majority of them civilian, and 15,000 Palestinians have died? Up to a third of the Palestinian dead are Hamas fighters, but the civilian kill ratio is at least seven or eight-to-one in Israel’s favour.

But actuarial logic doesn’t work well in wars at the best of times, so on to the final criterion: does the current Israeli strategy offer ‘a reasonable chance of success’? Perhaps another five thousand Hamas fighters will die, and a few hundred more Israeli soldiers, but will the outcome justify the deaths of another ten thousand innocent civilians?

No. There is zero chance that another month of killing will achieve any of Israel’s announced war aims: “the return of all abductees, the elimination of Hamas, and the promise that Gaza will never be a threat to Israel again.” (Netanyahu, 2 December)

Hamas, Hezbollah and other Arab ‘terrorists’ belong to the broader category of ‘guerillas’, almost all of whom include terrorism in their tactics – and such groups are never eradicated by a one-month campaign, especially one waged mainly from the air.

Killing their commanders doesn’t work; what unites them is some sort of ideology, and the next rank of leaders just steps up and carries on. They scarcely have recognisable headquarters, and certainly not the James Bond-style underground lairs that the IDF seems to be seeking.

12/8/2023

In Summary
  • China is not suffering some measureless disaster. Nobody is starving and most adults have some kind of work to keep them busy.
  • It’s just that the bounce has gone out of everything. The future hasn’t exactly been canceled, but it’s a lot less attractive and exciting than it seemed ten or twenty years ago.

For several years now, I have had a file on my computer named ‘China – Has the Moment Arrived?’ But I think I missed the moment – or rather I forgot that these things aren’t a moment, they’re a process.

It has been obvious for years that the glory days of high-speed economic growth were over in China, but I was waiting for some striking event that would symbolise and summarise the end of the boom, like the bursting of the price bubble in 1992 marked the end of Japan’s economic ‘miracle’.

There wasn’t any such event, of course. It’s just a gradual decline in everything economic, partly hidden behind deliberate obfuscation by the Chinese authorities.

For example, they predict that the Chinese economy will grow by 5% this year. That rate, sustained over time, would imply a doubling time of fourteen years. Is there anybody on the planet who believes that the Chinese economy will be twice as big in fourteen years? Half again as big? The real growth rate for the past few years may have been zero.

China’s population started to drop last year, for the first time since the great purges and man-made famines of the early Communist years. The decline will accelerate relentlessly as it heads down towards half the current number by the end of the century. The birth-rate is just over one child per completed family and is still falling.

Yet at the same time there are no jobs, or at least few appropriate jobs, for the 11.9 million young people who graduated from universities and colleges last year. The mood among the young seems to be quiet despair: ‘lie flat’ or become ‘full-time children’ (move back home and live with your parents).

Economist Zhang Dandan at Peking University estimates that youth unemployment could be as high as 46.5 percent, but the government’s only response has been to stop publishing official figures about it. The country is stuck in the ‘middle income trap’, with per capita GDP around $10,000, and nobody has a plan to do anything about it.

A plan seems pointless when fully a quarter of the economy is made up of the real estate sector, which has over-built housing to such an extent that it would take ten or twelve years to fill the unsold properties even at the rate they were selling at a decade ago, when the population was still growing. Thousands of apartment towers will never be filled.

You can read a litany of negative judgements like this on China any day of the week in the Western media, followed by predictions that the regime is in trouble and heading for collapse, or alternatively that it will go to war to distract its restive population. The judgements are all true, but they do not necessarily lead to a dramatic outcome of either kind.

China is not suffering some measureless disaster. Nobody is starving and most adults have some kind of work to keep them busy. It’s just that the bounce has gone out of everything. The future hasn’t exactly been canceled, but it’s a lot less attractive and exciting than it seemed ten or twenty years ago.

What are the implications of this for the regime and the world? Probably smaller than the pundits are saying. Japan and the other East Asian ‘miracle’ economies went through similar big, permanent declines in the growth rate twenty-odd years ago, and they neither invaded the neighbours nor collapsed into chaos.

China isn’t all that special, despite the anachronistic survival of a 20th-century Communist regime at the head of an otherwise typical Asian capitalist state. The heated speculation about it replacing the United States as the premier global power was no more plausible than the similar hype about Japan thirty years ago, or Russia seventy years ago.

Mere disappointment may lead to a change in government in democracies, but it rarely does so in autocracies. China’s highly developed system of mass surveillance and associated privileges and punishments would deter most people from action even if things get a lot worse than they are now.

So there is no imminent threat to the regime’s survival, which probably means that there is little risk of a Chinese military adventure against Taiwan to distract an angry and rebellious population. Things in China aren’t great, but they’re not that bad.

Of course, I could be wrong. President Xi Jinping is 70, just one year younger than Russia’s Vladimir Putin, who invaded Ukraine mainly to leave a glorious ‘patriotic’ legacy behind him. (‘He reunited all the Russias!’) Xi seems a more pragmatic man, but it’s a dangerous age.

Gwynne Dyer is a London-based independent journalist whose articles are published in 45 countries.

2 thoughts on “Two by Dyer: A Just War In Gaza? And China: Is A Slow Future of Fizzle Underway?”

  1. The article on China reminds me that we need to find a different index than growth for gauging how well countries are doing. Both economic and population growth may not be a good sign for the way citizens of any country are living, and better quality-of-life assessments, especially of the lower quarter of the population would be a much better way to understand which countries are prospering.

  2. Thank you for continuing the civil conversation on the conduct of war between the nation of Israel and the terrorist organization of Hamas. This is an example of asymmetrical warfare, since it is not a war between two nations. Israel began with a legitimacy that Hamas did not possess; namely, Israel has had recognition and status as a nation among the United Nations of the earth and Hamas has no such status. Neither do the people of Gaza have political power to speak for themselves. Thus, Israel had the means to resolve conflicts between itself and its neighbor nations, if it had pursued an honest, sincere, open policy of conflict resolution, peace making and true democracy for itself and its neighbors. In addition to the Christian Just War theory, one can hold up the ancient maxim called the Golden Rule, known by Pharaohs of Egypt, and scholars of Torah such as Hillel and Jesus, and philosophers all around the world. “Do not do to others what you would not that they do to you.” As a matter of fact, this ethic has been among humans for a long, long time. Where and when practiced, honor within society and between nations can thrive and flourish. The Golden Rule makes civilization possible. Uncontrolled violence destroys those who use it as much as those who suffer from it. So, why not try out the Golden Rule as a matter of both personal and international ethics. By this rule we can all be judged.

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