Category Archives: Black & White & Other Colors

Is the Next ICE City Invasion About to Break Out?

The headline in The New Republic (TNR) on August 2 was dire: “Trump’s Domestic Use of Military Set to Get Worse, Leaked Memo Shows,” it blared.

Well, maybe.

TNR said it had been leaked a confidential memo from the Department of Homeland Security (DHS). The memo listed talking points for top DHS staff to parrot at a July 21 meeting at the Pentagon, with Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth and two top generals.

From the ICE Recruiting Website

The session’s ostensible goal was to ratchet up support among the military brass for a nationwide blitz of military-backed incursions into “sanctuary cities” and other targeted locales, a la the recent ICE sweeps that brought several thousand national Guard troops and several hundred Marines into Los Angeles.

The memo outlined the “itinerary” (aka agenda) for the meeting, which was getting to better coordination of the agencies’ activities in “defense of the homeland.”

“Participants listed comprise the very top levels of both agencies, including Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth, Joint Chiefs chairman Dan Caine (an Air Force general and former CIA Associate director) and NORTHCOM Commander Gregory Guillot (another Air Force general). Staff include Phil Hegseth (Pete Hegseth’s younger brother, and DHS liaison —aka go-between— with the Pentagon) and acting ICE commissioner [Todd] Lyons. . . .

“Due to the sensitive nature of the meeting, minimal written policy or background information can be provided in this briefing memo,” it said.

Experts [that TNR’s Greg Sargent] spoke with were surprised at how bluntly [the memo] suggested [Homeland Security] pressure the Defense Department for more military involvement in immigration enforcement, and alluded to potential tension between top officials at both agencies over this imperative, and even possible resistance to it by Pentagon officials. The memo said aligning both agencies this way “is a priority of POTUS,” meaning Trump. . . .

More concretely, the memo said that DHS hoped to secure “a verbal agreement to find places where DoD can detail personnel within ICE and CBP (and vice-versa) to increase information sharing, and specifically support nationwide operational planning capabilities.”

Among the memo’s talking points for the DHS officials . . . are . . . references [to] attacks on DHS officers and Central and South American cartels and gangs, noting that they’ve been designated terrorist organizations.

“That puts this threat on the same plain [sic] as having Al Qaeda or ISIS cells and fighters operating freely inside America,” the memo says. . . .”

TNR also quoted several anti-Trump think tank observers who saw in this memo a scheme for nationwide domestic deployment of the military. But while this is clearly a priority for POTUS and Hegseth, the memo can also be read as something quite different, such as damage control.

This possibility more than leaked out. It practically squirted from between the memo’s lines. About the recent “joint” military operations in L.A, it acknowledged:

“It hasn’t been perfect, and we’re still working through best practices together, but I think it’s a good indicator of the type of operations (and resistance) we’re going to be working through for years to come.”

The L.A. “occupation” — not perfect? Who knew?

Really: all it did was help spark a record-breaking nationwide wave of June 14 protests.

Then it produced stacks of poll results showing deep public revulsion against the snatching of overwhelmingly peaceable, working people by masked agents in unmarked cars for deportation to foreign torture prisons with no warrants, bail or due process.

Then the manhandling of members of Congress for trying to do lawful oversight, not to mention building open air concentration camps in broiling summer swamps and deserts

For starters.

What career-conscious general wouldn’t want to scramble right onto that bandwagon?

Instead, maybe Phil Hegseth, in his interagency liaising,  had been getting some inklings of that old Pentagon standby, interservice rivalry.

Hegseth taking aim — But nope, Pete, not this time.

After all, what did the epic L. A. Confrontation turn into? Following a few rowdy nights in a handful of downtown blocks, it left hundreds of Marines, reputedly the toughest of American warfighters, doing long tours in summer heat as security guards for buildings which were conspicuously not under attack.

Further, they were backing up several times their number of national guard troops, already sweating in the same unmolested area.

These in turn were running cover for the facilities’ regular security details, whose biggest threat likely came from stumbling over some of the other defenders.

That is, the Siege of L. A. was not exactly a clash for the ages, set to yield many Medals of Honor. (Not even any Purple Hearts, unless they’re now awarding them for Extreme Ennui, or Boredom Above and Beyond . . .)

No wonder the memo’s DHS talking points sound like the delegation was all but begging the generals to lend them real soldiers to teach the burgeoning ICE squads some tricks of the trade — err, “best practices” — other than handling zip ties and fracturing families.

And frankly, their asking to set up such arrangements only on a “verbal agreement” basis, skipping such bureaucratic/legal niceties as written orders, reinforces TNR’s suspicion about resistance from the uniformed branches.

Why would the generals resist? Well, for one thing, there’s this matter of a law, about not using the military domestically, or against U. S. citizens; plus an oath, which the brass all take, to the Constitution rather than His Putative Highness, POTUS.

True, Hegseth is busy tossing out generals and admirals who want to stick to these hoary notions; but the academies and service command schools have been teaching them for a lot longer than he’s been around, so it takes time to bend or replace them all.

Similar codes are in place at the other military academies

For that matter, every commanding general — whatever their combat specialty, is also a PR specialist, carefully guarding and polishing their service’s public image. While the military generally ranks high in polls of public trust, that confidence has been declining since the Iraq-Afghanistan wars, and recruiting has been tough:

So the brass in 2025 are even more sensitive than usual.

To be sure, they aren’t afraid to fight. But are they keen to become another target of the reaction against ICE sweeps with secret police tactics, the new gulags, and deportations to foreign torture prisons, without some very good reason?

This memo strongly suggests, not so much — yet.

Clearly, Hegseth (& POTUS) still dream of taking their L.A. production all the way to Broadway. (The title of Hegseth’s 2020 book, American Crusade, tells you all you need to know about where he’s headed.)

Beyond seeking “new ideas for how the two departments can better plan for national security and illegal immigration,” the memo added this:

The U.S. military leadership (the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs and NORTHCOM) need to feel – for the first time – the urgency of the homeland defense mission. They need to understand the threat, what’s at stake, and the political importance the administration has placed on this issue.”

We don’t yet know how the July 21 meeting turned out. Surely the Hegseth brothers will keep pushing for their national, gloves-off-masks-on crusade. And maybe POTUS will have a brainstorm in the golf cart and order an invasion of Boston to divert media attention from the Epstein files.

But in the meantime, are the generals feeling the urgency yet?

I mean, really feeling it?

It could make a lot of difference.

When Good Trouble Got Serious: John Lewis- at the Pettus Bridge, 1965 — And TODAY

In early February, 1965, I was jailed for 10 days in Selma, Alabama after being arrested in a peaceful march in support of voting rights for black citizens. Along with several dozen others, I slept on a concrete floor in a near-freezing prison camp, and subsisted on two daily servings of blackeye peas or beans and dry cornbread with water. It was tough, but I thought of it as “paying my dues,” and a kind of initiation ritual for a civil rights rookie. (Only much later did it get a more fitting name; “Good Trouble.”)

Once released, I resumed my place as a newbie footsoldier in the uneasy coalition organizing the voting rights campaign. I was with Dr. King’s Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC), who were working with a cadre of radicalizing, mostly college age activists in the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC). John Lewis was SNCC’s chairman.

Continue reading When Good Trouble Got Serious: John Lewis- at the Pettus Bridge, 1965 — And TODAY

A Special July 4 Memorial: My Neighbor Hazeline Umstead

 

Ms. Hazel’s Last July 4th — 2023: Her Flags & The Prayer Line

Ms. Hazeltine Umstead, with hammer & flags, July 2023.

I lived next door to Ms. Hazeline Umstead for twelve years. She was remarkable in many ways: she had grown up in this neighborhood; had returned to it after several years in New York City.
She was meticulous about her lawn (and doggedly patient with the unruly wildlife habitat we were making next door), and her blonde wigs.

She was in church every Sunday, and started most mornings on a telephone prayer line with several other believers, calling for divine protection and help for a continuing roster of those in need (I was on the list more than once).

But I think the thing she loved most was giving parties, marking her birthdays and holidays: she also had oversized blow-up yard figures for Christmas and especially Valentine’s Day.  Each year in late summer she ordered loads of delectable local soul food for a free banquet for a huge crowd of  local police.

2020-Covid. When this sign disappeared from her yard, she hand-painted another one.

Among these celebrations, July 4th was special. I could tell that because she spent at least a full day on her hands and knees, using a hammer to pound  close to fifty  American flags in the grass, on both sides of her driveway to the curb,  plus the sidewalk to her porch, and here and there among her menagerie of lawn animals, and under the big flag that hung from the corner of her roof year-round.

I often pondered what had shaped this annual devotion. When she was a schoolgirl, around the corner on Lakewood, the street was a dirt road, the city and its schools were rigidly segregated; her mother and other elders were unable to vote. Durham had a large Klan chapter.

But she lived to see the street paved, the schools opened up (somewhat at least), the Klan dwindle, relatives serve in the military. She not only cast ballots religiously, but was twice able to vote for Obama (his photo was enshrined on her wall) and we lamented together the rise of Obama’s successor.

When these photos were taken, in 2023, we were again lamenting the prospect of that successor’s return. And Ms. Hazel was daily waging (and slowly losing) the most intense struggle of the years I knew her: against aging and its burgeoning disabilities.

She disliked doctors, medicines, pain —and even more hated having to ask for help. I would gladly have put in a batch of the flags. But I also knew she would have been affronted by the offer, with its unmistakable implication of weakness and need: she had set up these flags for I don’t know how many years before I turned up. It was her ritual, and if it took all day and night, she would  erect it just so, and the only help she needed or would accept was that of her beloved Jesus.

So I watched from my side, and recorded her labor. One reason was that I feared this could be the last time she would get to do it. With her game legs, it was slow going.

But as she finished the driveway rows and practically crawled up the sidewalk with its concrete steps, painstakingly planting more slender wood posts, a different thought came: in good health or in decline, for reasons I could mostly just  guess at, Ms. Hazel was the most patriotic American in our neighborhood.

It wasn’t a contest. A glance up and down the otherwise flag-free block confirmed it. We took America for granted; but despite its failings, which she knew all too well and did not excuse, Ms. Hazel did not.

Finally she arrived at the finish, and sat, worn out, on the top step of her porch, surveying the array. I imagined she was also reflecting on the strains loose and rising in the country, beyond what she could see, or feel.

Maybe that’s just my projection, but we had spoken often of these things. There was plenty threatening her country then, and now.

I was right about one thing. This was her last time: in October, the strokes came. She was carried from the house to hospitals and a rehab center, unable to speak. Ms. Hazel  died there in February 2024.

A relative lives there now. The large flag at the corner of the roof flies solo. Most of her lawn menagerie has scattered.

But I think of her often, especially today. I wonder: if it’s really heaven, it must have a large green yard just for her, where she can work daily in perfect weather,  with no aches or pains.  And does she still take time to join that prayer line there?

If so, Ms. Hazel, please add me back onto the list. Along with all the rest of what moved you to plant those flags.

We need it.

NEWS: White House Ignores Juneteenth. It Happens Anyway.

BY DARLENE SUPERVILLE
Updated 05:42 PM EDT, June 19, 2025
AP Newsroom

 

ASSOCIATED PRESS: White House press secretary Karoline Leavitt speaks during a press briefing at the White House

WASHINGTON (AP) — President Donald Trump honored Juneteenth in each of his first four years as president, even before it became a federal holiday. He even claimed once to have made it “very famous.”

But on this year’s Juneteenth holiday on Thursday, the usually talkative president kept silent about a day important to Black Americans for marking the end of slavery in the country he leads again.

No words about it from his lips, on paper or through his social media site. Continue reading NEWS: White House Ignores Juneteenth. It Happens Anyway.

Juneteenth Is Alive Here — 2025


“In 2025 . . . celebrations of Juneteenth are being cut back or even canceled. Corporate sponsors and local governments, as well as the national government, are pulling back their support for festivals and Juneteenth events.”

[Not here. Juneteenth-related posting all day.]

Background, by Heather Cox Richardson:

“Juneteenth [is] the celebration of the announcement in Texas on June 19th, 1865, that enslaved Americans were free.

That announcement came as late as it did because, while General Robert E. Lee surrendered his Army of Northern Virginia to General Ulysses S. Grant of the U.S. Army on April 9, 1865, it was not until June 2 that General Edmund Kirby Smith surrendered the Trans-Mississippi Department, the last major army of the Confederacy, to the United States, in Galveston, Texas. Smith then fled to Mexico.

Seventeen days later, Major General Gordon Granger of the U.S. Army arrived to take charge of the soldiers stationed in Texas. On that day, June 19, he issued General Order Number 3. It read:

“The people of Texas are informed that, in accordance with a proclamation from the Executive of the United States, all slaves are free. This involves an absolute equality of personal rights and rights of property between former masters and slaves, and the connection heretofore existing between them becomes that between employer and hired labor.”

Granger’s order referred to the Emancipation Proclamation of January 1, 1863, which declared that Americans enslaved in states that were in rebellion against the United States “shall be then, thenceforward, and forever free; and the Executive Government of the United States, including the military and naval authority thereof, will recognize and maintain the freedom of such persons.” Granger was informing the people of Galveston that, Texas having been in rebellion on January 1, 1863, their world had changed. The federal government would see to it that, going forward, white people and Black people would be equal.

Black people in Galveston met the news Order No. 3 brought with celebrations in the streets, but emancipation was not a gift from white Americans. Black Americans had fought and died for the United States. They had worked as soldiers, as nurses, and as day laborers in the Union army. Those who could had demonstrated their hatred of enslavement and the Confederacy by leaving their homes for the northern lines, sometimes delivering valuable information or matériel to the Union, while those unable to leave had hidden wounded U.S. soldiers and helped them get back to Union lines.

But white former Confederates in Texas were demoralized and angered by the changes in their circumstances. “It looked like everything worth living for was gone,” Texas cattleman Charles Goodnight later recalled.

In summer 1865, white legislators in the states of the former Confederacy grudgingly ratified the Thirteenth Amendment, which abolished enslavement except as punishment for a crime. But they also passed laws to keep freedpeople subservient to their white neighbors. These laws, known as the Black Codes, varied by state, but they generally bound Black Americans to yearlong contracts working in fields owned by white men; prohibited Black people from meeting in groups, owning guns or property, or testifying in court; outlawed interracial marriage; and permitted white men to buy out the jail terms of Black people convicted of a wide swath of petty crimes, and then to force those former prisoners into labor to pay off their debt.

Congress refused to readmit the southern states with the Black Codes in place, and in December 1865, Americans added the Thirteenth Amendment to the Constitution. Six months later, Texas freedpeople gathered on June 19, 1866, to celebrate the coming of their freedom with prayers, speeches, food, and socializing.

By then, congressmen had turned to guaranteeing that states could not pass discriminatory laws against citizens who lived in them, laws like the Black Codes. In 1866 they wrote and passed the Fourteenth Amendment to the Constitution. Its first section established that “All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the State wherein they reside.” It went on: “No State shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States; nor shall any State deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws.”

That was [meant to be] the whole ball game, the one that would put teeth behind the principles in the Emancipation Proclamation. The federal government had declared that a state legislature—no matter who elected it or what voters called for—could not discriminate against any of its citizens or arbitrarily take away any of a citizen’s rights. Then, like the Thirteenth Amendment before it, the Fourteenth declared that “Congress shall have the power to enforce, by appropriate legislation, the provisions of this article,” strengthening the federal government.

Rather than accept this new state of affairs, leading white southerners decided they would rather remain under military rule. So in March 1867, Congress passed the Military Reconstruction Act, calling for southern voters to elect delegates to new state constitutional conventions. And, for the first time in U.S. history, they mandated that Black men could vote in those elections.

Three months later the federal government, eager to explain to Black citizens their new voting rights, encouraged “Juneteenth” celebrations, and the tradition of Juneteenth began to spread to Black communities across the nation. The next year, the addition of the Fourteenth Amendment to the Constitution remade the United States of America.

In 1865, Juneteenth was a celebration of freedom and the war’s end. In 1866 it was a celebration of the enshrinement of freedom in the U.S. Constitution after the Thirteenth Amendment had been ratified. In 1867, Juneteenth was a celebration of the freedom of Black men to vote, the very real power of having a say in the government under which they lived.

Celebrations of Juneteenth declined during the Jim Crow years of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, but as Black Americans from the South spread across the country during and after World War II, they brought Juneteenth with them. By the 1980s, Texas had established Juneteenth as a state holiday. Other states followed, and in 2021, thanks in part to pressure from activist Opal Lee, Congress made Juneteenth a federal holiday and President Joe Biden signed the measure into law.

But throughout our history, those determined to preserve a government that discriminates between Americans according to race, gender, religion, ability, and so on, have embraced the idea that true democracy means reducing the power of the federal government and centering the power of the state governments, where voters—registered according to state laws—can choose the policies they prefer…even if they are discriminatory. They have also insisted, as former Confederates did in the late 1860s, that any laws protecting the equal rights of minorities discriminate against the white majority.

In 2025, as the Trump administration echoes those people, celebrations of Juneteenth are being cut back or even canceled. Corporate sponsors and local governments, as well as the national government, are pulling back their support for festivals and Juneteenth events.

Our history matters. Juneteenth is the celebration of a new nation, one that would honor the equality of all Americans—and one that, 160 years after it was established, we are in danger of losing as those in power set about rewriting the record.

More to Come . . .